Posts Tagged Medicare

Why Does Anyone Still Take Paul Ryan Seriously? | Alternet


Why Does Anyone Still Take Paul Ryan Seriously?

His failed V.P. bid may have made him a national figure, but his budget plan is hopelessly out of touch.

March 16, 2013 

Zipping across the land with a nice internet connection, so a good time to reflect a bit (looking down on clouds from above broadens the perspective a bit, I find).

So, I’m doing a radio interview last night, and moderately impressed with myself for being able to speak coherently about four different budgets: Ryan’s, Senate’s, POTUS (not out yet, but we can guess at the mix), and the CPC.  Then I got asked a question which threw me a bit: why are Paul Ryan and his budget taken so seriously?

It wasn’t a snarky question.  It’s just that I’d been discussing the absolute non-reality of his proposal—how the numbers don’t begin to add up, the unrealistic budget cuts, the plethora of magic asterisks in the absence of actual proposals (the most egregious of which is: I’ll cuts taxes by $6-7 trillion over the next decade and offset the revenue losses with…um…sorry, gotta run).  And the interviewer was like, “OK…but if you’re right, why is his budget front page news such that he’s driving the debate?”

Here’s what I think is going on.  First, institutional reasons.  His party holds the majority and he’s the chair of the House Budget Committee.  That in itself makes his budget newsworthy.  Also, as a former VP candidate, he’s a national figure.

But that’s not the main reason.

I asked a wise, intently non-partisan friend who thought, and he admitted he was being generous, that one reason might be that Ryan’s introduced an important theme into the discussion: if you want really low taxes, you’ve got to give up Medicare as we know it.

But while that may be in there somewhere, it’s awfully muddled.  It certainly wasn’t Ryan’s position in the election, where he and Mitt attacked the President for Medicare cuts.  And his voucher program doesn’t start for ten years.

In other words, I think my friend is being too generous.  I’ve argued that we actually need our politicians to articulate this point: if we want X, we’re going to have to pay for X.  To my ears, Paul Ryan actually fits squarely in the problematic camp on this point, telling folks they can painlessly have it all.  But in his version, it takes the form of trickle down: if we cut taxes on job creators, get rid of the safety net, and inject health care delivery with competition, then we can have it all for a fraction of what we’re paying now.

That’s very different that telling the electorate straight up that if we want what we say we want—social insurance, a strong safety net, productive public goods including education—we’re going to need to raise more revenues to pay for it.

So what is the answer?  I think it’s twofold.

First, his views, positions, and rhetoric mesh very neatly with those of influential people, and those people have helped convince the media that Ryan is saying important things.  One group of those people are, of course, the fix-the-debt-shrink-the-government-fell-the-pain coalition.  Neither the numbers (the actual fiscal record or trajectory) nor the economics support their views, but they’ve been extremely effective in driving the debate.

The other group—and yes, there’s tons of overlap—are those who benefit most from tax reductions on the wealthy, and remember, many of these folks are professional investors.  When they invest in Congress, they expect a big bang for their big bucks.

All pretty depressing so far, I know.  But the second part of the answer is hopeful, and comes from the hoary old adage that you really can’t fool all the people all the time.

This may well be premature, but I believe Ryan’s popularity—his rep as someone who mustn’t be ignored—is fading and that this most recent budget will play a significant role in his decline.

My first clue was an interview he did with Larry Kudlow this week, and Larry’s on his side, especially on the supply-side stuff.  But the tone of the interview was revealing, I thought.  Kudlow expressed skepticism and disbelief that Ryan would be able to repeal Obamacare and thus didn’t think the budget stood up to even cursory scrutiny.  And Ryan basically agreed!  He spoke of his budget as symbolic and visionary, or some such stuff—I don’t remember the word salad.  But he kind of just said he’s holding up a picture of one way of looking at things, a way that he and his caucus think makes sense.

But I think they’re increasingly isolated in this regard—certainly, the election outcome suggests that to be the case—and eventually, this will move the media away from him, especially as the fiscal numbers continue to move down to more normal levels.  I could easily be wrong, of course, but I think that at the end of the day—and it’s getting toward dusk—enough people will no longer want to look at that picture he’s holding up, and as far as I can tell, he doesn’t have any other ones to show us.

 Why Does Anyone Still Take Paul Ryan Seriously? | Alternet.

 

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The Sequester as a Tea Party Plot | Alternet



  TEA PARTY AND THE RIGHT  

RobertReich.org / By Robert Reich

The Sequester as a Tea Party Plot

Sequestration grew out of a strategy hatched soon after they took over the House in 2011.

Photo Credit: Rena Schild / Shutterstock.com

March 1, 2013  

Imagine a plot to undermine the government of the United States, to destroy much of its capacity to do the public’s business, and to sow distrust among the population.

Imagine further that the plotters infiltrate Congress and state governments, reshape their districts to give them disproportionate influence in Washington, and use the media to spread big lies about the government.

Finally, imagine they not only paralyze the government but are on the verge of dismantling pieces of it.

Far-fetched?  Perhaps. But take a look at what’s been happening in Washington and many state capitals since Tea Party fanatics gained effective control of the Republican Party, and you’d be forgiven if you see parallels.

Tea Party Republicans are crowing about the “sequestration” cuts beginning today (Friday). “This will be the first significant tea party victory in that we got what we set out to do in changing Washington,” says Rep. Tim Huelskamp (Kan.), a Tea Partier who was first elected in 2010.

Sequestration is only the start. What they set out to do was not simply change Washington but eviscerate the U.S. government — “drown it in the bathtub,” in the words of their guru Grover Norquist – slashing Social Security and Medicare, ending worker protections we’ve had since the 1930s, eroding civil rights and voting rights, terminating programs that have helped the poor for generations, and making it impossible for the government to invest in our future.

Sequestration grew out of a strategy hatched soon after they took over the House in 2011, to achieve their goals by holding hostage the full faith and credit of the United States – notwithstanding the Constitution’s instruction that the public debt of the United States “not be questioned.”

To avoid default on the public debt, the White House and House Republicans agreed to harsh and arbitrary “sequestered” spending cuts if they couldn’t come up with a more reasonable deal in the interim. But the Tea Partiers had no intention of agreeing to anything more reasonable. They knew the only way to dismember the federal government was through large spending cuts without tax increases.

Nor do they seem to mind the higher unemployment their strategy will almost certainly bring about. Sequestration combined with January’s fiscal cliff deal is expected to slow economic growth by 1.5 percentage points this year – dangerous for an economy now crawling at about 2 percent. It will be even worse if the Tea Partiers  refuse to extend the government’s spending authority, which expires March 27.

A conspiracy theorist might think they welcome more joblessness because they want Americans to be even more fearful and angry. Tea Partiers use fear and anger in their war against the government – blaming the anemic recovery on government deficits and the government’s size, and selling a poisonous snake-oil of austerity economics and trickle-down economics as the remedy.

They likewise use the disruption and paralysis they’ve sown in Washington to persuade Americans government is necessarily dysfunctional, and politics inherently bad. Their continuing showdowns and standoffs are, in this sense, part of the plot.  

What is the President’s response? He still wants a so-called “grand bargain” of “balanced” spending cuts (including cuts in the projected growth of Social Security and Medicare) combined with tax increases on the wealthy. So far, though, he has agreed to a gross imbalance — $1.5 trillion in cuts to Republicans’ $600 billion in tax increases on the rich.

The President apparently believes Republicans are serious about deficit reduction, when in fact the Tea Partiers now running the GOP are serious only about dismembering the government. 

And he seems to accept that the budget deficit is the largest economic problem facing the nation, when in reality the largest problem is continuing high unemployment (some 20 million Americans unemployed or under-employed), declining real wages, and widening inequality. Deficit reduction now or in the near-term will only make these worse.

Besides, the deficit is now down to about 5 percent of GDP – where it was when Bill Clinton took office. It is projected to mushroom in later years mainly because healthcare costs are expected to rise faster than the economy is expected to grow, and the American population is aging. These trends have little or nothing to do with government programs. In fact, Medicare is far more efficient than private health insurance.

I suggest the President forget about a “grand bargain.” In fact, he should stop talking about the budget deficit and start talking about jobs and wages, and widening inequality – as he did in the campaign. And he should give up all hope of making a deal with the Tea Partiers who now run the Republican Party.

Instead, the President should let the public see the Tea Partiers for who they are — a small, radical minority intent on dismantling the government of the United States. As long as they are allowed to dictate the terms of public debate they will continue to hold the rest of us hostage to their extremism.

 The Sequester as a Tea Party Plot | Alternet.

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Cagle Post – Political Cartoons & Commentary – » Tax Avoidance On the Rise: It’s Twice the Amount of Social Security and Medicare


PAUL BUCHHEIT

Tax Avoidance On the Rise: It’s Twice the Amount of Social Security and Medicare

 

The wealthiest Americans save $3 trillion dollars a year through a system of subsidies and tax avoidance schemes, which totals three times more than our annual deficit. That’s enough for a full-time job for every middle-class household in America. Here are the distressing details:

1. Tax Expenditures: $1.25 trillion

These subsidies from special deductions, exemptions, exclusions, credits, capital gains, and loopholes are estimated to be worth 7.4 percent of the GDP, or about $1.1 trillion. They largely benefit the richest taxpayers. Business subsidies bring the total to $1.25 trillion.

Jimmy Margulies / The Record

That alone is almost enough to pay for Social Security($884 billion) and Medicare($524 billion).

But there’s so much more.

2. Tax Underpayments: $450 billion

According to the IRS, 17 percent of taxes owed were not paid in 2006, leaving an underpayment of $450 billion. The largest share of that came from underreporting of income.

3. Tax Havens: up to $250 billion

(a) It’s estimated that between $21 and $32 trillion is hidden offshore, untaxed.
(b) 40 percent of the world’s richest individuals are Americans. That’s $8 to $12 trillion of the total.
(c) The historical annual stock market return is 6 percent. That’s a return of $480 to $720 billion.
(d) The 20 percent to 35 percent tax loss amounts to a minimum of $96 billion, a maximum of $252 billion.

4. Corporate Taxes: $250 billion

For over 20 years, from 1987 to 2008, corporations paid an average of 22.5 percent in federal taxes. Since the recession, this has dropped to 10 percent — even though their profits have doubled in less than ten years. The missing 12.5 percent on $2 trillion in profits amounts to $250 billion a year.

5. Financial Transaction Tax (FTT): $500 billion

The absence of an FTT constitutes tax avoidance. Not a penny of sales tax is paid on U.S. financial transactions, which have been estimated at about three quadrillion dollars annually, or three thousand times the deficit. No sales tax is paid despite the high-risk nature of “flash trading” that can lose entire pension funds in a few seconds.

Just a half penny from every dollar of total U.S. financial transactions would pay off the national debt — not just the deficit, but the whole $15 trillion debt. More conservative estimates by the Center for Economic and Policy Research and the Chicago Political Economy Group suggest FTT revenues of a half-trillion dollars annually.

6. Payroll Tax: $300 billion

This extremely regressive tax costs the richest Americans only a small fraction of what everyone else pays. If the 12.4 percent tax (half employer, half employee) were assessed on the full $3.84 trillion claimed by the richest 10 percent in 2006 (instead of on $1.43 trillion: $110,000 times 13 million payees), an additional $300 billion in revenue would have been realized.

7. Estate Tax: $100 billion

A repeal of the estate tax, which is designed to impact only the tiny percentage of Americans with multi-million dollar estates that have never been taxed, would cost the nation about $100 billion per year.

Conclusion

The total surpasses $3 trillion. The figures may be on the high end, and there may be some overlap, and wealthy Americans may argue that much of it is legal. But the system of loopholes and deductions and exclusions is a statement by the rich that they don’t have to pay for their lopsided share of benefits, and that middle-income Americans should give up their own earned benefits to pay the country’s bills.

And if tax avoidance is legal it’s because the people with money have redefined ‘legal.’

 Cagle Post – Political Cartoons & Commentary – » Tax Avoidance On the Rise: It’s Twice the Amount of Social Security and Medicare.

 

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Yes, Virginia, The Rich Did Very Well With the Fiscal Cliff Deal « naked capitalism


SATURDAY, JANUARY 5, 2013

Yes, Virginia, The Rich Did Very Well With the Fiscal Cliff Deal

 

The Real News Network has conducted a series of interviews on the fiscal cliff deal, and the two most recent are worthwhile in and of themselves, and are also good tools for persuading those who fallen for the idea that Obama got a good deal to reexamine their view. With the Vichy Left now trying to soften up the public for Social Security and Medicare “reform,” it’s particularly important to keep an accurate scorecard on what has already gone down.

The newest chat, with economist James Henry, focuses on how the deal on estate taxes allows the rich to pass on wealth to their children, allowing inequality to persist across generations. And he reminds us that a lot of Congressmen are rich enough that this provision will benefit their families.

Gerry Epstein of UMass Amherst minces no words in his overview of the pact. He calls it a debacle for middle class families because it preserves nearly all of the Bush tax breaks for the rich.

Yes, Virginia, The Rich Did Very Well With the Fiscal Cliff Deal « naked capitalism.

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Stories of the Elderly Remind Us of the Pain of Cutting Social Security Payments | Alternet


Stories of the Elderly Remind Us of the Pain of Cutting Social Security Payments

Altering the formula for Social Security payouts is not innocuous, it will have grave human costs.

December 19, 2012  

When I was a young organizer for Iowa Citizen Action Network, we were doing a lot of work on utility rate hikes. I met an elderly woman, maybe late 70s, who was living on her Social Security check. As utility prices went through the roof, her cost of living increase in that check wasn’t coming anywhere close to covering the costs she had. She was extremely worried, because as frugal as she was she couldn’t figure out how to keep her heat on, pay her rent, and buy a few meager groceries. She thought the utilities might end up shutting her heat off. I suggested a social services agency she could go to, and that she might check with neighborhood churches to see if they had funds that could help. And I promised that I would do everything I could to fight for her. I pushed hard on the local utility companies to try and shame them away from turning the heat off the dead of an Iowa winter, which didn’t work very well because the utility companies had no shame. And my organization pushed in the legislature to get a bill passed that would prohibit utility shutoffs in the wintertime, which didn’t pass the first year but did the second year we worked on it. But it didn’t pass in time to save the woman I met. Reading the Cedar Rapids Gazette one day that winter, I saw that the woman I met had been found dead in her apartment of hypothermia after the utility company had turned off her heat.

When we got the bill passed in the next session, I thought of her. I was proud that no one would die in the coming years in Iowa because of having their heat turned off, but I was also mourning that we were too late to save her. And I vowed to keep my promise to her as long as I lived, that I would keep fighting for her and people like her.

It’s 30 years later, but I still have promises to keep, as do all Democrats who claim to be on the side of the middle class and poor. As Dean Baker makes clear, if the President’s apparent offer of changing the CPI formula is part of the budget deal, it will be a very hard blow for generations to come for seniors who will be unlikely to have decent pensions or much in the way of savings to cushion the blow of these cuts. And with prices for necessities (utility prices, gas, groceries, health care) tending to go up more than the inflation rate in general, this is the absolute worst kind of cut to be making.

I have been having some interesting conversations with Democrats over the last 24 hours about what being a loyal Democrat means with the President seeming likely to go forward with this deal. The point has been made that the Republicans are far worse than Obama on these issues, as all they want to do is to gut Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, and other programs for the poor, and that is definitely true. The fact that the President is, according to the Washington Post, proposing to exclude SSI disability payments and provide a bump-up in benefits for those 85 and older is a good thing and much appreciated. People have said to me that the President’s heart is in the right place, and that he is working hard to get the best deal he thinks he can get, which may well be true- I gave up judging politicians’ motives long ago. And I have been told I should be a loyal Democrat, that the President is our party’s leader, and we should be unified in supporting him.

But here’s the deal: I didn’t get into politics to help the Democratic party. I came to the Democratic party because they more often wanted to help the people I cared about helping- the poor, the disabled, the middle class folks fighting for a decent life for them and their families. When forced to choose, as it looks like I will in this case, I will choose the people I got into this work to fight for.

My first loyalties are to my middle class family, who will depend heavily on Social Security because they mostly won’t have lots of savings or generous pensions; to the kids I grew up with in a working class part of Lincoln, NE, who are getting ready to retire and mostly don’t have those savings or pensions either; to the people like my late brother Kevin who have lived with serious disabilities, who may or may not be taken care of depending on what is negotiated away next; and to the poor people and seniors who I got to know as a young organizer, like the elderly woman I made a promise to that I would keep fighting for her.

If the President decides to give into Republican demands to cut this kind of deal, thinking that launching a civil war with people like me who were part of his winning coalition in the election is better for the country and worth the trade-off, he will do what feels like he should. The DC pundits will be ecstatic (“the President is so brave to take on those seniors and cut Social Security”). Wall Street will be thrilled, they have been wanting to cut middle class benefits and the Social Security system for years. But on behalf of those people to whom I owe my first loyalties, I will do whatever I can to fight the kind of plan being described in news accounts today. I hope the rest of the progressive movement that has pledged to fight this kind of deal will fight the good fight along with me. The President will do what he thinks is best. The rest of us need to as well. If the deal goes down, it will be quite a way to start the President’s second term, an ugly fight with the people who fought by his side to elect him. We’ll see what’s ahead. 

 Stories of the Elderly Remind Us of the Pain of Cutting Social Security Payments | Alternet.

 

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GOP Movement on Taxes Still Leaves Huge Budget Quandary


GOP Movement on Taxes Still Leaves Huge Budget Quandary

By Nancy Cook  //  December 16, 2012

In a sign of movement toward resolving the fiscal cliff, House Republicans have begun to budge on their no-new-tax stance. In a development first broken by Politico, Speaker John Boehner privately signaled a willingness to raise taxes on household income above $1 million.

This is not even close to President Obama’s campaign pitch of raising taxes on wealthy families who earn more than $250,000, but it’s a start to the beginning of a serious negotiation. And, the more revenue that Boehner puts on the table, the more open to entitlement cuts the administration will be, say sources close to the White House.

The only problem with the $1 million threshold is that it doesn’t clue Americans in on some long-term budget realities. Over the next decade, the deficit will continue to climb unless the federal government gets a better handle on the amount of money it brings in, as well as the cost of its entitlement programs, including Medicare.

The federal government has promised to provide health insurance and Social Security payments for all of the baby boomers—and that’s a fiscal problem as well as a demographic one.  Already, this is going to cause a huge spike in the cost of the entitlement programs in the coming years because a much greater share of people will sign up for the programs (at a time when healthcare costs continue to rise and when Americans pay a historically low level of federal taxes).

So, we’ve committed to spending tons of money just as we’re not bringing in enough cash to pay the bills. Moving the tax threshold to $1 million does not help that issue. Taxing household income above $1 million is estimated to bring in $463 billion over 10 years, whereas taxing rich families above the $250,000 threshold rakes in $829 billion, according to an analysis by the left-leaning Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. That’s a big difference.

But, the most significant problem with the $1 million mark is that politically it creates a false sense that we’ve solved the budget problem by raising taxes on the uber-rich. Not even close. If Americans want to keep the programs everyone seems to enjoy (and not drastically change the make-up of the federal government by cutting agencies, medical research, or education, as the Ryan budget proposes), then a greater share of people are going to have to pay more in taxes—and that inevitably will include families who earn more than $250,000 but also probably families that make over $100,000 a year. That’s because the bulk of the money in the tax code comes from households making between $100,000 and $200,000.

Setting the standard of only taxing millionaires lets politicians off the hook–both Democrats and Republicans. It doesn’t give Americans the larger, genuine picture about the long-term budget quandaries. It’s just a fabulous political slogan. After all, who is going to oppose asking people with annual incomes above $1 million to pay more? 

 GOP Movement on Taxes Still Leaves Huge Budget Quandary.

 

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4 Secrets Republicans Are Keeping About Medicare to Convince Us That $600 Billion in Cuts Are Necessary | Alternet


4 Secrets Republicans Are Keeping About Medicare to Convince Us That $600 Billion in Cuts Are Necessary

This entire Medicare debate’s being held under false pretenses.

December 10, 2012 

The Republicans are demanding $600 billion in Medicare cuts over the next ten years. Their only concrete proposal is to deny Medicare coverage to Americans during what is now their first two years of eligibility, at ages 65 and 66. But their official offer isn’t even that specific. It just throws out that figure: $600 billion. But you can’t get there from here.

At least you can’t do it their way – not without causing enormous hardship, and not without costing the public twice as much from other sources as would be saved in government spending.

In fact, there are only two paths to $600 billion in savings. One’s macabre and morbid, and is offered here only to make as a Swiftian ”modest proposal.” The other would take a chunk out of corporate profits.

Which path do you think the GOP would prefer?

This entire Medicare debate’s being held under false pretenses. Here are four multibillion-dollar Medicare secrets they don’t want you to know – along with that funereal “modest proposal”:

1. Runaway corporate profits are squeezing medicare.

Republican Sen. Bob Corker echoed the party line today when he said that cutting “entitlements” was needed in order to “save the nation.” But benefit cuts aren’t where the money is: profits are.  We did some rough calculations to show you just how much profit’s involved:

Roughly $200 billion in Medicare spending will go to drug company profits in the next 10 years. (We got that figure by averaging the profit margins for large pharmaceutical corporations by projected Medicare drug expenditures.) And yet the Republicans have blocked legislation that would allow the government to use its purchasing power to negotiate for a better deal. So the drug companies can charge us whatever they want – and we pay it.

Medicare has reportedly underpaid for hospital services at times. But for-profit hospitals have an average profit margin of 5.5 percent. What they’re not receiving from Medicare is ‘cost-shifting’ to private health insurance. We pay for that, too –  in insurance premiums and tax concessions for employer-sponsored coverage.  With Medicare hospital expenditures likely to approach $2.5 trillion in the next ten years, that’s costing society a fortune.

And that doesn’t include high margins in the non-profit hospital field, where CEOs frequently earn more than a million dollars as a reward for maximizing revenue. Nor do these figures include the profits received by all sorts of other for-profit health providers ranging from diagnostic centers to ambulatory surgery clinics.

2. We receive far too much unnecessary care, and are often fraudulently billed for the care that is given.

Then there’s what may be the most expensive effect that greed has on Medicare: overtreatment. A series of exposés (some of which we discussed in “Sick Money,” a review of Bain Capital’s health investments) have revealed gross patterns of fraudulent Medicare overcharging.

Even worse tis the overtreatment that’s done to boost profits. Unnecessary procedures are difficult and uncomfortable at best, and at worst they can lead to pain, disability, even death. This overtreatment’s been documented in both academic studies (John Wennberg’s Dartmouth Atlas is a great resource) and some excellent journalism.

And it’s getting worse. Now hospitals are buying physician practices and exerting financial pressure on doctors to perform more surgeries. But the truth is that doctors have always been under financial pressure to overtreat. They graduate from medical school with tons of debt and must then maintain a profitable practice, including everything from equipment to office staff.

And yet Republicans have beaten back attempts to control this overtreatment with their “death panel” hoax. That  myth is only slightly less believable than “black helicopters.” There are death panels – but they’re manned by insurance executives, not bureaucrats.  Republicans have fought Medicare by telling us that doctors shouldn’t be “employees” of the government. Now they’re employed by MBAs who want a fat bonus.

Does overtreatment research interfere with our right to choose our own care?  I want to make an informedchoice – and I don’t want anybody cutting me open if it isn’t absolutely necessary.

3. Seniors are already being hit hard by medical costs.

People who aren’t covered by Medicare and don’t know much about it often assume it covers all, or most, medical expenses. But the average person on Medicare pays roughly $4,600 per year in out-of-pocket medical costs, and that figure can be much higher for those who are severely or chronically ill or who have suffered a serious injury.

Boehner’s figure of $600 billion over 10 years is a reduction of approximately 7.8 percent from current projections. But Medicare enrollment will increase from 49 million people to 85 million over the same period. Assuming that these Republican cuts are made permanent, that means that Medicare’s per-person budget will have been cut by more than 15 percent by the year 2022.

4. Chronic conditions and end of life illnesses are extraordinarily expensive.

They’re not proposing to do anything about Medicare’s biggest cost problem: the care that’s provided to the severely ill, especially in the final year of life. As the Dartmouth Atlas reports, “Patients with chronic illness in their last two years of life account for about 32% of total Medicare spending.” That comes to nearly 2.5 trillion dollars over the next ten years, based on current projects. And yet the GOP is proposing to slash, not increase, funding for research that might help us provide end-of-life care more effectively and humanely.

The elderly are particularly prone to other costly chronic conditions like cancer and diabetes, which can be treated much more effectively – and much less expensively – if they are caught early. Instead, their plan to deny Medicare to people aged 65 and 66 will lead to less early diagnosis and intervention, making us sicker and driving up Medicare’s costs.

It’s Your Funeral

That leads us to our “modest proposal.” Any way you look at it, we’re going to be seeing an increase in the number of funerals if Medicare benefits are cut. Research has shown that the survival for seniors in this country increased by 13 percent when Medicare was introduced in the 1960s.

It’s reasonable to assume that those survival rates will begin to fall again – and death rates will rise – if we impose mindless benefit cuts, instead of taking an intelligent cost management approach that focuses on expense drivers such as overtreatment, overbilling, and excessive profiteering.

The Republicans want drastic cost reductions without disturbing corporate profits. Using their logic, they shouldn’t take away our first two years of Medicare coverage. They should take away the last two years.  That would cut Medicare expenditures by more than a third.

And what do they care about one more funeral here or there – as long as it’s not theirs?

 4 Secrets Republicans Are Keeping About Medicare to Convince Us That $600 Billion in Cuts Are Necessary | Alternet.

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Cagle Post – Political Cartoons & Commentary – » Fiscal Cliff Politics


CARL GOLDEN

Fiscal Cliff Politics

 

We’ve all become cliff dwellers, clinging to the rocky face while, above us, President Obama and Congressional Republicans are locked in an embrace heading toward the precipice which will plunge them – and us — into… just what exactly?

Well, depends whose prediction you’re willing to accept.

Cam Cardow / Ottawa Citizen

There are those who are convinced the fiscal cliff issue is a manufactured crisis, constructed by liberals and aided by a compliant media to scare the bejesus out of Americans and convince them that their only salvation lies in increasing taxes on the most wealthy among us. It’s at most a fiscal speed bump, not a cliff, they say.

On the other side is the body of opinion which holds that, unless a deal is struck, taxes will go up automatically on Jan. 1, taking more money out of the pockets of all Americans — money which consumers would normally spend on goods and services and continue to help the nation’s economic recovery.

The higher taxes, combined with some $500 billion in automatic across the board cuts in government spending will produce a severe recession from which it could years to recover, they say.

President Obama doesn’t want what Congressional Republicans want and they don’t want what he wants, turning the entire situation into a public relations war rather than a sober, good faith effort to negotiate a settlement.

Both sides have decided that the struggle for hearts and minds can best be carried out on Sunday morning television talk shows, repeating the same stale, hackneyed talking points which, in truth, only reinforce the public perception of governmental insincerity and ineptitude, a theater of the absurd acted out by individuals who don’t give a damn about the effect on the audience.

The President has succeeded in framing the debate around his belief that wealthy Americans — the top two per cent of wage earners — should pay more in income taxes while characterizing Republican opponents as fighting to the death to protect the rich and curb spending by chipping away at Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid — programs which disproportionately benefit low and middle income individuals.

For Republicans, it’s been a losing hand so far. Even conservative leader Bill Kristol, giving vent to his frustration, said raising taxes on multi-millionaires — most of whom were Obama donors and supporters in any event — wasn’t such a bad idea and Republicans wouldn’t be punished for agreeing to it.

While there is an anti-tax strand in the DNA of many Republicans in Congress, there is an equally powerful political survival strand as well, one which signals that refusing to act and allowing taxes to increase on all Americans threatens that survival.

It is on this easily understood point that the President’s argument hinges. The decision is in Republican hands whether to extend tax cuts for 98 per cent of Americans or allow them to rise while safeguarding the personal wealth of the remaining two per cent.

Republicans are certainly correct in criticizing the President for his refusal to come to grips in any significant way with the need to cut spending as well as implement critically needed changes in the so-called entitlement programs to assure their long term survival.

They deserve credit as well for their openness to increasing revenues largely through revisions in the tax code to limit or eliminate deductions, rather than through a rate increase.

But, by continuing to include as a significant part of their proposal some $600 billion in reductions in entitlement programs, Republicans are playing into Obama’s hands and giving him repeated opportunities to relentlessly drive his wealthy-versus- the-rest-of-us argument.

National polls have been unanimous in popular support for requiring the wealthy to pay more and the President and his surrogates in the Congress have made the point repeatedly that the presidential campaign was fought in large measure on that premise and that Obama won both the election and the argument.

Republican reaction to the President’s initial proposal to raise taxes, spend billions on a stimulus package, give him the authority to raise the national debt ceiling without Congressional approval and promise to consider spending cuts at some vague, undefined point in the future was understandable outrage.

A more appropriate and politically wise response would have been to say, okay, keep the tax cuts for 98 per cent of Americans, raise the rates on the wealthy to pre-George Bush levels, no stimulus, no debt ceiling giveaway, and declare victory by pledging to take up spending cuts and entitlement reform after returning from enjoying the holidays.

As the year draws to a close the eventual outcome may, indeed, come down to something similar.

In the meantime, all us cliff dwellers will dig our fingernails in a little deeper in the crevices of the rock face and keep our eyes turned upward at the dance taking place at the cliff’s edge.

 Cagle Post – Political Cartoons & Commentary – » Fiscal Cliff Politics.

 

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3 Things You Have to Know About the Bogus ‘Fiscal Cliff’ | Alternet


3 Things You Have to Know About the Bogus ‘Fiscal Cliff’

Is it the economic equivalent of Superstorm Sandy? That depends on what we do.

November 23, 2012

 

Photo Credit: Shutterstock.com 

Obama won. Romney lost. That is a crisis averted and a very good thing.

But the contest is hardly over. The election was essentially an intermission in a long drama over economics. What’s going to happen in the upcoming act? A sharp change? Muddled compromise? A new stalemate?

According to the coming attractions, the episode up next is a really big action scene: The Fiscal Cliff!

Here’s the action. Three vehicles, plus some scooters along for the trip, are all racing straight toward a cliff! They have no brakes! If any of them go over the edge – according to promotional videos on the action news – it will hurt the whole economy, slow our growth and plunge us into a new recession. If they all go over together, it will be really, really, super-bad.

The biggest one — visualize it as Tony Soprano’s Cadillac Escalade — is the expiration of the Bush tax cuts.

Vehicle number two has less than half the weight. It’s the expiration of Obama’s Social Security tax cut, an everyman’s sort of car, call it a Ford Taurus.

The third is a pick-up truck. A simple one, a bit smaller than the Taurus. But! What you gotta worry about is the payload in the back! Tanks of propane! If this baby hits the ground it blows up in everybody’s face. Especially the face of your local congressperson.

The bomb is sequestration. That’s a misappropriated term, but in this case, it means that the failure to reach a deficit cutting deal launches an instant spending cut of approximately $100 billion. Like the Queen of Hearts in Alice in Wonderland, shrieking “off with their heads,” it lops 8 percent off the top of all discretionary spending. Discretionary spending is the money we spend inspecting food, testing drugs, running federal courts, running the FBI, DEA and the Border Patrol, supporting education, doing research, maintaining national parks, keeping airplanes from colliding, and collecting taxes. Roughly 9 percent will also be cut from military spending.

These cuts will not be done surgically. No thought, planning, care, or precision will go into the process. It will be done Grim Reaper-style, swing the scythe and slash everything in the way.

Those are the big three. The other financial events on the same schedule include the Affordable Care Act, aka Obamacare, which can be regarded as a new tax, “other” tax provisions that come to an end, the unemployment benefits extension ends, and the rates Medicare pay will go down.

Should we be afraid, very afraid? Is it the economic equivalent of Superstorm Sandy? The answer is: maybe. It depends on what we do.

Let’s take them one at a time.

What if the Bush tax cuts expire? Say “Thank you, Jesus.” Put any spare cash you have in the stock market.

There was a stockmarket crash in 1987 (Black Monday), followed by widespread bank failures (Savings & Loan Crisis), and a recession. That recession ended after tax hikes, first from George H.W. Bush (the Elder), and then from Bill Clinton.

You have constantly heard, and will continue to hear, that tax cuts stimulate the economy. It’s not true. All major tax cuts in the last 100 years, have led to the same cycle – bubble, crash, recession – usually with bank failures.

This cycle — bubble, crash, bank failures, severe recession — began with the Bush tax cuts. Recovery has been slow and sluggish. It has also primarily benefited large corporations (record profits) and the rich. It has not helped ordinary people very much. Want to get that recovery cracking and make it work for everyone? Raise taxes on the rich.

Don’t even think of the end of the Bush tax credits as a crash. Or a fall off a cliff. Or anything bad at all. Think of it as letting go of a burden that has distorted everything it touched. Once we are released, we can float quickly, but gently, upward, returning to the (relatively) glorious economic conditions of the Clinton years.

Let’s look at the Ford Taurus, the cut in social security taxes.

There were two ideas behind the cut.

One is the weird semi-mystical belief among economists, including the economists who advised Obama, that tax cuts create growth. It is based on the idea that the market economy is the “real” economy. All economic good – growth, jobs, wealth – is presumed to be produced by that “real” economy. In this vision, taxes take money out of the “real” economy. That money then disappears. Therefore the whole economy is smaller. So it is sad and it grows more slowly.

However, according to the hymns sung in the church of economic orthodoxy, if you cut taxes, you put more money in the hands of consumers, they spend, they spend wisely (their decisions are necessarily smarter than any damn bureaucrats’ up in Washington). Since somebody must be making the goods and services they purchase, the result is growth and increased employment.

What if the government spends the tax money on roads and research on alternative energies? On cops, teachers and bridge inspectors? Those are very much part of our economic reality. That creates jobs.

What if the consumers spend their tax rebates paying off their credit card interest, on Chinese goods, and recreational Oxycontin? Those are all quite likely choices.

As an economic stimulus, the Social Security cuts are probably, sort of, moderately all right. Though they are not nearly as good as direct spending on building, fixing and maintaining infrastructure would have been, spending that largely stayed in America, created jobs that paid better than retail, and represented an investment.

Presumably the other reason for the Obama tax cuts was strictly political. Along the lines of, “Hey, people like tax cuts, so I’ll give them tax cuts. Bush’s tax cuts went to rich people, I’ll give mine to middle-income people. See, I do tax cuts, too, but mine are better.”

Though it didn’t really work for Obama. He never sold his tax cuts with that Republican verve.

It’s still their brand. Not his.

The bad part about Obama’s tax cuts is political. They weaken Social Security. For the most part, people who receive Social Security invested in it. Just as much as people who invest in 401(k)s, SEPPs, IRAs, or who get pensions. Let me put it this way, “Goddamn it, I paid in my whole life. From jobs I worked at. From things I made. It’s no friggin’ entitlement, I earned it. Just like my Medicare. They are earned benefits.”

Until Obama, the system had been sacrosanct. If contributions are cut, money to replace it must come from somewhere other revenue. That begins to transform Social Security into an actual entitlement program, which is bad because it diminished Social Security’s almost unique moral standing.

So, if the Taurus goes over the edge, well, what the hell, it was a rental anyway. Time to get back to our real car, the one that we own.

Letting the Escalade crash is actually a good thing for the economy.

It’s the pick-up truck, with the propane canisters, that’s the one that people are right to get hysterical about. Spending cuts will hurt the economy.

All Republicans have (or at least declare) an intensely fervent faith in their Four Pillars of Failed Wisdom. The first two are that higher taxes hurt the economy and taxes cuts create growth. It’s hard to understand how anyone who has witnessed the last 12 years can possibly still believe that. Growth with Clinton’s tax hikes. Recession, then bubble, crash, bank failures, and recession with Bush’s tax cuts. The limp response to the continuation of the Bush cuts, Obama’s first round of cuts (the “stimulus” package was about one third tax cuts), and his second round (Social Security).

The other two pillars are that government spending hurts the economy, while cuts in government spending create growth.

Here’s one simple fact to look at: Unemployment.

In the last few years there have been massive cuts in public sector employment. Many people will say that it was a necessary response to economic conditions. But in previous recessions and depressions, we increased public sector jobs. For example, the only job growth in Bush’s first term was from government employment. The public sector job cuts in this cycle were driven by ideology and by politics, not by economics.

If we restored public sector jobs to where they were in 2008, the unemployment rate would be 7.1 percent.

If we cut government spending we destroy jobs. Both direct public sector jobs and private sector jobs created by government contracts. You may or may not like many of the things that government pays for, like making bombs and building bombers, but those programs do employ a lot of people.

But what about the deficit?

Shouldn’t we be hysterically worried about the deficit? There’s a constant chorus, “I don’t want to leave this mess to my grandkids.” You see it on blogs, “…. our country is literally mortgaging our children’s future.”

You hear it from politicians, “We continue to increase the financial burden our grandchildren will have to bear … “

On TV commercials, “I don’t want my grandchildren and great grandchildren hopelessly in debt …”

On talk radio and talk TV, “Under Obama, $5.3 trillion has been ruthlessly stolen from our children and our grandchildren.”

In newspapers, and in the halls of congress, “Debt … grandchildren … deficit … grandchildren.”

Here’s a big clue that the deficit problem is not exactly as horrid as it’s painted. After they whine about grandchildren and debts, I have never heard a single one these people say, “Therefore, let’s pay for things now. Come on people, if we don’t want debts, let’s dig a little deeper.” Which is what you do if you actually care.

That does not mean that deficits, like debts of any kind, can’t be a problem. They can be.

The mistake is to talk about deficits as if we were talking about our personal family budgets, what we owe on our credit cards, car loans, and mortgages. Most people who have regulars have a fairly fixed income. Even if they get raises, they’re within a narrow range. If debts get too high, there’s no way to pay them off. If income goes down, or it stops, even for a brief period, those debts become very serious problems.

But a government isn’t a salaried employee. Or someone working for wages.

Government borrowing, debts and deficits should be thought about as similar to business borrowing and corporate debt. Businesses usually get started with borrowed money. If they’re slow in getting to where they can pay the loans back, they’ll often borrow more. Once they are on schedule to pay off those loans, they may borrow for further growth. Meantime, they will have a separate credit line to cover the time gap between expenses and collections. With some rare exceptions (like a very profitable company in a shrinking economy), businesses are in a constant state of debt.

We do not judge companies by the size of their debt. We judge them by what the debt is for. If they have borrowed for an expansion or for a new venture that is likely to pay off, that debt is fine. If they have borrowed for something that will never pay … to build buggies in the expectation that this automobile thing is a passing fad … then no matter how small their debt is, it’s a problem.

A government’s business is the entire national economy. The goal of government, then, is to increase the pool of taxpayers and to increase their ability to pay. If a government borrows in order to spend in ways that will grow that economy, that’s fine. Provided that said growth will be sufficient to pay off the loans that created the growth. Just like with a business.

If there is an economic crisis, and the government borrows to save banks from collapsing (though they may not deserve that rescue as a moral proposition), to keep major industries alive (hopefully so they will then function successfully on their own), to employ people (so there is a base of customers for all businesses to sell to), to create, maintain and improve infrastructure (a sound investment because it becomes an invisible subsidy to all businesses), that is a sound investment. It will pay off because it makes the downturn shorter and the upswing stronger.

There’s your scorecard. At least for the main events.

If Tony Soprano’s Escalade goes over the cliff, carrying George Bush’s tax cuts, and bursts into flames in the best Hollywood stunt tradition, give a cheer.

If Obama’s Social Security tax cuts get dropped, it will cost you a bit more, but you can feel better about the integrity of the system. Which is important.

If the abrupt and arbitrary spending cuts go into effect, that’s bad. Seriously bad. It wipes out jobs. It hurts people. It slows the economy. It’s a replay of 1937.

More important than knowing when to applaud or to cry, these are the positions you should be pressuring your senators and representatives to take. What you should be writing letters to the editor about. Calling in on talk radio. Raising your voices, any way you can. We are not just spectators. We’re players inside this drama.  

 3 Things You Have to Know About the Bogus ‘Fiscal Cliff’ | Alternet.

 

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6 Reasons the Fiscal Cliff is a Scam | Alternet


6 Reasons the Fiscal Cliff is a Scam

The so-called “fiscal cliff” is a mechanism for rolling back Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid.

November 22, 2012 

 

Photo Credit: Shutterstock.com 

 

Stripped to essentials, the fiscal cliff is a device constructed to force a rollback of Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid, as the price of avoiding tax increases and disruptive cuts in federal civilian programs and in the military.  It was policy-making by hostage-taking, timed for the lame duck session, a contrived crisis, the plain idea now unfolding was to force a stampede.

In the nature of stampedes arguments become confused; panic flows from fear, when multiple forces – economic and political in this instance – all appear to push the same way.  It is therefore useful to sort through those forces, breaking them down into separate questions, and to ask whether any of them justify the voices of doom.

First, is there a looming crisis of debt or deficits, such that sacrifices in general are necessary?  No, there is not.  Not in the short run – as almost everyone agrees.  But also: not in the long run.  What we have are computer projections, based on arbitrary – and in fact capricious – assumptions.  But even the computer projections no longer show much of a crisis. CBO has adjusted its interest rate forecast, and even under its “alternative fiscal scenario” the debt/GDP ratio now stabilizes after a few years.

Second, is there a looming crisis of Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid, such that these programs must be reformed?  No, there is not.  Social insurance programs are not businesses. They are not required to make a profit; they need not be funded from any particular stream of tax revenues over any particular time horizon.  Reasonable control of health care costs – public and private – is necessary and also sufficient to keep the costs of Medicare and Medicaid within bounds.

Third,  would the military sequestration programmed to start in January be a disaster?  No, it would not be.  Military spending is set in any event to decline – and it should decline as we adjust our military programs to our national security needs.  The sequester is at worst harmless; at best it’s an invitation to speed the process of moving away from a Cold War force structure to one suited to the modern world.

Fourth, would the upper-end tax increases programmed to take effect in January be a disaster?  No, they would not be.  There is no evidence that the low tax rates on the wealthy encourage them to spend or invest, no evidence that higher tax rates would deter the spending and investment that they might otherwise do.

Fifth, would the middle-class tax increases, end of unemployment insurance and the abrupt end of the payroll tax holiday programmed for the end of January risk cutting into the main lines of consumer spending, business profits and economic growth?  Yes, over time it would.  But the effects in the first few weeks will be minimal, and Congress could act on these matters separately, with a clean bill either before the end of the year or early in the new one.

Sixth, what about all the other cuts in discretionary federal spending?  Yes, some of these would be very damaging if allowed.  Simple solution: don’t allow them.

In short, Members of Congress: if you can, just pass the President’s bill on middle-class taxes, and, if you can, eliminate the domestic sequester. Then, please go home.  Enjoy the holidays. Come back in January prepared to extend unemployment insurance, to phase out the payroll tax holiday gradually, to restore stable funding to necessary programs and to start dealing with our real problems:  jobs, foreclosures, infrastructure and climate change. 

 6 Reasons the Fiscal Cliff is a Scam | Alternet.

 

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